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An Open Letter to UK Liberal Democrat Leader Nick Clegg

For the Canadian readers, Nick Clegg is the leader of the Liberal Democrats in the UK.  The LibDems’ policies are often, but not always, to the left of the increasingly conservative Labour party, and for this reason I have supported them on the number of issues.  But recently, Clegg came out to state that, in light of the current recession, the new British government should adopt the deficit-cutting measures of the Canadian Liberal party in the 1990. If you’ve read any of my posts here before, you can imagine my response to such a claim.  This is my letter to Nick…
LibDems logo
Dear Nick,

I like a lot of what you do – I really do.  I am a Canadian living in the UK who spends a lot of time talking and writing about how my time here has made me re-evaluate many of the ideas that I thought made Canada a good country – largely as a result of seeing and experiencing a greater sense of equality for most people here, than I had ever witnessed in Toronto.

More than this, I came to recognise that Canada has actually become a bit of national train-wreck when it came to questions of social justice, racism, environmental practices, poverty and a range of other important social measures.  And, surprising to many, the steep decline in Canadian (governmental) egalitarianism, is perhaps most attributable to the Liberal governments of Jean Chretien and Paul Martin in the 1990s and early 2000s – the government you have recently triumphed as a model for how the UK can address its current financial woes.

I find this deeply troubling.

Though the Brian Mulroney Conservatives of the 1980s clearly set Canada’s neo-liberal wheels turning, it was the supposedly ‘Liberal’ government that followed who managed to slash public spending to levels not seen since World War II.  And yes, they eventually conquered the constantly trumpeted spectre of the deficit, but at what cost?  If you read through the 1st and 3rd posts on my blog, it will give you a more detailed sense, but 12 years of Liberal Party deficit-fetishism had 2 primary impacts for most Canadians:

  • The abandoning of a national affordable housing strategy, which has been seen by many as the leading cause behind the unprecedented spike in Canada’s up-to 300,000-strong homeless population.   As a recent report by a major foundation into the scope and causes of Canadian homelessness reads: “…Existing evidence indicates that Canadian government policy from 1993 onward actually helped to create chronic poverty and housing insecurity.”
  • The near-total gutting of federal healthcare transfer payments to the provinces, leading to a steady decline in the quantity and quality of healthcare services most Canadians could receive.  This also opened the door to the beginnings of ‘Public-Private Partnerships’, or ‘PPPs’ – creating  the beginnings of a two-tiered healthcare system in which wealthy Canadians could receive measurably better care than those of us with less access to money.
Beyond these 2 major areas, there were massive cuts to Employment Insurance (EI), universities and a range of critical social services during the same period.  The collective human impact of these cuts has been truly immense and ongoing – and the tide they set in motion is still spiralling downward today.

There is no shortage of information out there on the devastating social impacts of the Canadian Liberal government’s approach to deficit cutting – I will happily buy and ship you copies of Murray Dobbin’s ‘Paul Martin: CEO for Canada?’ and Linda McQuaig’s ‘Shooting the Hippo’, if you’d like fuller story on this not-so-proud era of Canadian history…

Odds are very good you’ll have significant sway in shaping UK politics following the upcoming elections; please don’t use this power to lead Britain down the same disastrous road of neo-liberal reforms that has left Canada’s egalitarian and just principles in relative tatters.


Liam Barrington-Bush


Contraception isn’t a maternal health issue?

God Doesn't Have a Plan BSo get this: Stephen Harper is hosting this year’s G8 Summit in the backwater-come-cottage-country of Muskoka, Ontario.  At last years summit, he chose, as his main social aim of the summit, to address issues of global maternal health… but when it came to laying out the plans for this year’s summit, there was one key omission from the objectives previously outlined by the other G8 leaders: apparently, according to Harper’s lot, contraception and reproductive rights are not part of maternal health.

Read that again.

This seems to summarise the state of Canadian politics; fundamentalist ideology, replacing measured policy.  According to the Globe and Mail, “Two of [Harper’s] senior ministers have said that contraception isn’t part of the initiative as the policy is aimed at saving lives.”

How can this possibly be argued?  Everywhere in the world where people use them, condoms save lives!  I don’t feel that amongst those of you who read this, I would have to make any more of an argument here, but here goes: When sperms have deadly diseases in them – as many of them d0 – condoms keep those diseases from spreading to others… this argument should be enough to put it on the maternal health agenda, methinks…

Christian fundos are still running our government, even after the rapture-preaching Doomsdayists of the Bush junta have had to bow-out from such activities south of the 49th… Scary to think we might actually be setting a lower bar than the Americans on such an important global issue…

A brief, belated summary of the ugly truths of Vancouver 2010

Vancouver 2010Though I admittedly tuned-out much of the noise associated with the 2010 Vancouver Olympic Games, I did pick up a range of links that people pointed me to in one way or another, looking at the typically less-publicised impacts of the Games, namely on Indigenous peoples and the poor and homeless populations of British Colombia.

Here are some of the most poignant journalistic gems:

Toban Black’s deconstruction of the portrayals of a single, homogenous Indigenous culture in Van2010 marketing and branding, on

“The harmonious vision conveyed through ‘indigenous’ packaging around the Olympics is an extension of mainstream Canadian visions of an outright “multicultural” “mosaic” in this country — where some claim that there is a complete lack of systemic racism, as well as equally proportioned room for all ethnic groups.”

The Guardian ran a story on the expected financial disaster of the Games, and the impacts of it on public services.

“While the complete costs are still unknown, the Vancouver and British Columbian governments have hinted at what’s to come by cancelling 2400 surgeries, laying off 233 government employees, 800 teachers and recommending the closure of 14 schools.”

Even the neo-liberal National Post wrote about the  rule of private companies over public services, during the lead up to the Games:

“Even Libraries have been put on notice to ensure that they’re complying with all registered Olympic sponsors and partners. Librarians have been asked to help ensure corporate brands like Coke and McDonald’s get exclusive coverage during the Olympics.”

Vancouver’s alternative staple, The Georgia Straight, covered some of the criticism around the lack of investment in supporting the city’s ever-growing homeless population.

“One homeless person, on average, dies every 11.4 days in B.C., according to housing activist and Olympic critic Am Johal.”

Britain’s often-sensationalist Telegraph caught wind of the poverty in Vancouver’s down town eastside, and gave it a story, demonstrating the contrast of the Olympic glitz, and the day-to-day realities of a shocking number of Vancouer residents.

“There is a jarring contrast between the harsh realities of life on the streets of North America’s most desperate Skid Row and the sporting extravaganza that is being celebrated in city just named the most liveable in the world for a third successive year…

In an alleyway near the corner of Hastings and Main streets, addicts openly smoked crack pipes and shot up heroin, others slumped listlessly in doorways or mumbled incoherently, and streetwalkers propositioned passers-by in a hope of financing their next hit.”

Another progressive mainstay, Vancouver Media Co-Op, ran a piece of the dual histories of activism and neo-liberalism in the city.

“Vancouver has, in recent decades, been a paragon of neoliberalism, has always had a colonial relationship with the Indigenous peoples whose land they’ve stolen, and is home to the most impoverished neighborhood in the country.”

Some of these issues seem endemic to Olympic Games, the world over… thus far I have seen very little in the way of an anti-London 2012 movement in the works, but am hoping this will change.  Canada’s existing inequalities put the contradictions of the Olympics industry in no unclear terms – let’s hope London and other cities who have struggled to win the ‘opportunity’ to host the Games can learn something from the Vancouver experience.

The Politics of Being Homeless in Canada

“It has been stated that the widespread and rapid growth of homelessness in Canada since the mid-1990s is unprecedented since World War II. While the Homelessness Partnering Secretariat has estimated that there might be 150,000 homeless people across Canada, other experts have suggested that the actual number may be twice as large”

UN Special Rapponteur on adequate housing, February 17, 2009

“Canada alone holds the dubious distinction of having received the strongest rebuke ever delivered by the United Nations for inactivity on homelessness and other poverty issues. In 1998, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights maintained that Canada’s failure to implement policies for the poorest members of the population in the previous 5 years had “exacerbated homelessness among vulnerable groups during a time of strong economic growth and increasing affluence” (p.15).”

Street Level Consulting, Homelessness in Canada

When I started writing this blog, I had no idea the full-scope of the subject I was taking on. Growing up in Toronto in the ‘90s, homelessness – as best I knew – was a part of the fabric of city life. My Dad would take me downtown and we would typically pass-out several dollars in loose change from his single-parent income, to the handful-or-more people we would pass, begging on the sidewalk. This was always a sad reality, but it was also an assumed one. It was a piece of the wallpaper that city-dwelling Canadians of my generation became unnaturally accustomed to. And like so many of the other normalised social ills of my youth, people constantly reiterated ‘it’s waaaay worse in the States!’. Only my Dad – the born-American, Vietnam draft dodger who had settled in Canada in 1969 – would add, ‘It wasn’t like this when I arrived here…’, acknowledging the social decline that led to this blog, long before I was conscious of such a decline.Homeless in Canada

My recent research has had me reading a lot on Canadian homelessness, but two sources have been of particular interest: a report from the Sheldon Chumir Foundation for Ethics in Leadership, entitled ‘Shelter: Homelessness in a Growth Economy’, and a slightly older (2000), politically debatable, but well-researched book by Barbara Murphy, called On The Street: How We Created Homelessness (J. Gordon Shillingford Publishing Inc.).

Given the sheer size of the subject matter, I’ve chosen to focus this post primarily on these two sources (as they highlight the very political nature of the issue), with some of my own editorial and experiential additions thrown into the mix. I see this as a starting point and hope others will comment and potentially take-on guest posts themselves, once I have set the table. Like I said, the scope of this issue is huge, and will take a lot of unpicking if we’re to ever bring the country up to par with our European counterparts…

The Reality
Contextually, the Shelter report states, as of 2007, several major studies concluded that there were 200,000 – 300,000 people living on the streets in Canada (though numbers can be difficult to accurately gauge). The official government figures state the total at 150,000, though most organisations involved in related work claim this is a low figure, which only takes into account those who have actually accessed public services related to their situation, such as shelters and emergency services.

“Unlike the United States and the United Kingdom, who have already launched major initiatives on homelessness in recent years, Canada has neglected the issue, as well as other core issues like poverty, urban development and housing security. Instead of dealing with root causes and strategic investments, Canadian government attempted to contain the rapid growth of homelessness with homeless shelters and other short-term, crisis-based services… This strategy has failed.”

– SHELTER – Homelessness in a growth economy, 2007

Whoever you choose to believe – in a country that regularly plunges to temperatures of -25 degrees Celsius for several months of the year – the numbers are horrific, and unacceptable for a G7 nation, which has been regularly voted as one of the best places in the world to live.

Here are a few particularly devastating facts about Canadian homelessness:
• Young people (16-25) account for an estimated 1/3 of the total homeless population
• Overall, 1 in 6 Canadian children live in poverty
• Indigenous people are very disproportionately represented amongst the homeless populations across the country
• Estimates of homeless people who have experienced mental health issues, range from roughly 40%, to over 60%
• Homelessness costs taxpayers between $4.5 – $6 billion/year

The British Comparison
Since moving to London, England in 2006 – my first time in Europe – one of the first things that jumped out at me was the relative absence of panhandling in a city of nearly 8 million people. This is not to say that London doesn’t have its own range of poverty-related ills, but simply that, when it came to people living in the streets, the British had done considerably more to prevent it from occurring… Which got me thinking – the homeless I had always seen as an inevitable fall-out of our society’s way of organising, may not in fact be as inevitable as my experience in Toronto had suggested. This realisation was one of the key trigger points that led me to creating ‘Oh (No!) Canada!’; the realisation that even my progressive Canadian upbringing had not kept me from remaining blind to the manmade social ills that plagued our country.

The ‘political’ nature of challenging homelessness in Canada
I feel it’s important – for Canadian and international readers – to look at the collective national perception of homelessness in Canada, and how it has contributed to the scale of the problem. In practical terms, to actively advocate for an end to homelessness in Canada, you in many ways position yourself at the far left of the political spectrum, as much of the population doesn’t view homelessness as a question of politics, so much as of individual choices and actions (and thus not inherently something the State has a responsibility for). (This relates, more broadly, to other issues related to poverty and class, as well).

In my conversations with the British, this is not easily understood, because, in England, there is very little in the way of a political debate on the question of responsibility for homelessness; Liberal Democrats, Labourites and Tories (broadly) hold a basic agreement that homeless is wrong and should not exist. As a result, there is relatively little of it here (British readers, please challenge this if it doesn’t seem like a fair assessment). Some of Britain’s largest, most mainstream national charities exist exclusively to end homelessness in the country, and these charities are supported by individuals from across the political spectrum. They also campaign both for those actually on the street, as well as those in temporary accommodation, representing a more holistic approach which addresses the systemic causes of homelessness, as well as its most obvious facet.

To claim in the UK that homelessness is primarily the result of individual behaviour and choice, would be to position yourself at the far right, beyond the (at least official) Conservative Party line. In Canada, a relative minority of us would so much as raise an eyebrow to this assertion – even if we disagreed with it, as many Canadians do – as it is so embedded in national political discussion on the topic.

The frame of debate on the issue is drastically to the right of the British situation; as a result of this debate – and our inhospitably cold climate – people die. Lots of people die – in Vancouver alone, roughly one homeless person, every eleven days, in a city of 600,000 people… We can’t control our weather; we can control whether or not people are forced to sleep in it. This is the fundamental argument that needs to be won, if homelessness is to be seriously addressed in Canada.

The Liberal government of Jean Chretien was responsible for the abolition of the former national affordable housing strategy in 1993. A range of reports, including the two I have focussed on, consider this to be at the centre of the spike in our national homeless population.  This has dovetailed with a frozen investment in public housing, the gutting of mental health services across the country and a considerable spread of crack-cocaine and heroin in different cities and towns.  In 1998, our cities’ mayors declared homelessness to be a “national disaster”.

(One could rightly argue that the ongoing persecution of indigenous peoples is also a major contributing factor to Canada’s homeless population, but as this well-predates the problems associated with the more recent wave of Canadian ills, I feel it should be saved for another post.)

There are inevitably political aspects to each of the above factors, however, the choice to abandon the national affordable housing strategy represents a fairly major political decision, saying unequivocally to much of the country ‘you’re on your own’…

“…Existing evidence indicates that Canadian government policy from 1993 onward actually helped to create chronic poverty and housing insecurity, in conjunction with booming housing prices and faltering middle and lower class incomes, while billions of taxpayer dollars were spent on emergency services and other short term measures that have provided little relief to the largest homelessness crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s.

…Canadian governments helped create today’s homeless crisis by neglecting several risk groups simultaneously: from mental health survivors prematurely discharged during the 1980s and 1990s, to children and youth growing up on Canadian streets, to urban Aboriginal communities were all but abandoned by most levels of government.”

– SHELTER – Homelessness in a growth economy, 2007

What I Think
Change needs to happen on two fronts; public pressure on the government being fundamental, but also increased public sentiment that the status quo is neither inevitable nor acceptable and that much of Europe has found better ways of dealing with it, from which we can learn. The latter is needed, if we are going to achieve the former. So I’m going to put it back to all of you: What will it take for Canadians to make this the pressing issue that it needs to be? What will it take for us to make the political parties realise this is truly a national disgrace and must be addressed? The ‘Shelter’ report makes clear recommendations, but there’s a lot of legwork that needs to be put in, if the majority of Canadian politicians are to be convinced that this issue is even worth their time…

“Canada requires a shift in public consciousness to support governments and non-governmental agencies in the long-term work necessary to solve Canada’s homelessness crisis. Many Canadians know their homeless shelters are overflowing with people, for example, yet this has not translated into a strong political will to change the status quo.”

– SHELTER – Homelessness in a growth economy, 2007

Another Dirty Secret – 100s of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women

Amid the spectacle of the torch relay and opening ceremony ushering in the 2010 Olympic Games Indigenous women and their allies prepare for the 19th annual Memorial March in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside. The event is held on Valentine’s Day and is an important time for the community to express their love for the over 70 women (about 1/3 Indigenous) who have been disappeared from the neighborhood. Led by elders and family members people visit the sites where women’s bodies were found or they were last seen – healing ceremonies are conducted, people cry and remember their mothers, aunties, sisters, daughters, friends.

While the arrest of one particularly heinous serial killer did put the spotlight on Vancouver, there is no safe place for Indigenous women in this country. They are at least five times more likely to be murdered than their non-Indigenous sisters.

Until Amnesty’s Stolen Sisters Report was released in 2004 and due to the tireless efforts of Indigenous women at the grass roots level the subject was pretty much off the media grid. Family members reporting missing loved ones to the police received no help, were often told that their daughter/mother/friend was probably “just out partying and would eventually turn up”. If they were eventually found, bodies often mutilated and dismembered the cases most often went unsolved and unreported. Articles that were published were notoriously racist and never hesitated to categorize the victim as a drug addicted prostitute or drunk – this being the case or not.

While the murders have not ceased, the Native Women’s Association has identified 520 women in the past 30 years, but some progress has been made with regards to the societal indifference surrounding the epidemic violence directed at Indigenous women. When two young girls were found dead near Winnipeg last summer it actually made the national news and there is talk of the creation of special task force.

In the past five years, Memorial Marches have sprung up around the country choosing February 14th to coincide with Vancouver’s event in order to express the bond of sisterhood and solidarity between communities. This year Marches will be held in Victoria, Edmonton, Calgary, Toronto, London and Sudbury.

February 14, 2006; Toronto

February 14, 2006; Toronto

Some more thoughts on the systemic nature of the violence as part and parcel of ongoing colonization and Indigenous women’s activism here.

And if all this hasn’t made you wary of applauding the Canadian colonizer state and those games taking place over the next two weeks check out these videos and follow the links to learn about the social, economic, environmental impacts the mega project is having and why No Olympics on Stolen Land is a cause to be embraced by all social justice seeking folks everywhere.

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Resist 2010: Eight Reasons to Oppose the 2010 Winter Olympics.

All My Relations
Audrey Huntley is of mixed European and Indigenous Ancestry. She is the co-founder of No More Silence, a Toronto group dedicated to illustrating the systemic nature of violence against Indigenous women as an intrinsic part of ongoing colonization and genocide. She also makes documentaries and currently resides in Vancouver with her WolfDog Morty. She is @AudreyHuntley on Twitter
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